Tuesday, July 17, 2007

Reply to "Professor Lo with an Imam (part 2)" (By Professor Lo)


You are right about the khutba. It was surprising to hear such fiery oratory from an imam in Sana’a. In his defense, I have to say that he is one of the most popular imams in the city. His mastery of classical Arabic, traditional poetry and his ability to read beyond the scripture has dramatically expanded the size of his congregation.


The manager of our hotel recommended the mosque (we say Jami’h to differentiate between street mosque/ masjid which is for daily prayers, and Jami’h which is often reserved for Friday prayer) because it is in honor of those who died in the revolutionary war. As you already know, I love the institution of the mosque because I believe it to be the most democratic institution in the Arab world. If progress is to come to this part of the world, it has to be through these institutions. The eradication of liberty or political freedom, especially of those imams, is a threat to the consolidation of democratic institutions in the Muslim World. By building on the great potential of the masjid system, it is possible to implement social change, reform and expand human capital in these regions. Indeed, we should modernize masjid’s madrassa systems, promote difference of opinions on its MeHraab, and, of course, tackle its patriarchal disposition. Malaysia and Cape-town, South Africa are a few good models in this regard.

The current policy that considers state-appointed imams to be the best choice of removing factions, or filtering "hate" messages from the community is a dangerous precedent. I harbor a Madisonian attitude in this regard. For, as he argues in the Federalist Papers that there are 2 methods of removing the causes of faction. One by destroying the liberty which is essential to its existence. Two by giving to every citizen the same opinions, the same passions and the same interest. Madison argues that it could never be more truly said of the first than that it is worse than the disease.

Curtailing the liberty of imams has never proven to be a successful approach to removing faction, or improving the spritual well-being of a community. A good example in the history of Islam can be learned from the khawarij movement of the earlier ages. This movement was considered by all account of earlier historians as the most perilous, most destructive and most dividing force in the development of Islam. However, Al-mubarrad, a 9th century linguist and historian, has pointed out to what enabled this violent movement to go on for many decades. In his book Al-Kamil, he mentioned that the endurance of the khwarij “kharijites” into the end of the 9th century was primarily due to the fact that Ummayad rulers and their subordinates, as in the case of al- Hajjaj ibn Yusuf al-Thaqafi of Iraq, refused to allow Khawarij preachers to use mosques or express their grievances publicly. Most Sunni clergymen of the time condemned the khawarij as "deviated sects and violent Muslims." As a result, the khawarij moved to the peripheries of the Ummayad empire and led a lethal, deadly and protracted rebellion against the Ummayad dynasty.

A similar case can be made for the Muslim community (ies) of the United States. The recent professionlization of mosque administrations, which means giving mosque executive boards the right to oversee and manage imam’s activities and sermons, has made listening to mosque sermons one of the most torturous experiences of worshipers, because these sermons are no longer sparking people’s interests or concerns. A student in one of my previous culture classes has found out via survey that 10 percent of Friday congregation do sleep or doze during Friday khutba. What that entails is the inability of these “managed” imams to address issues that are relevant to their congregations.


Well, let’s go back to the imam of Masjid As-Shuhada. He is a unique case, and particular in the imamhood of the city. You are right; he is “protected somehow.” As a result he will not “soon face whatever legal penalties are invoked against Imams who lead their own congregations.” I think he is protected for many reasons: he is an Egyptian from Al-Azar as-Shareef University; he has been in this particular mosque for many years, and the fact that Al-azar has a particular prestige in the Sunni world of Islam. So, it makes sense for the state to tolerate this popular figure. Furthermore, as a foreign imam, he will never build a social base that can represent a threat to the interest of the state.

His Khutba was exceptional: classic in its structure and content, but modern in its scope and focus. What you consider “the hot button words” does not necessarily represent “taboo for Friday rumination”. I think if he were running for an office in the States, he could be liberal enough to be elected in any blue state, or conservative enough to be elected in any red state. He divided his khutba into three segments: local, national and international. On local issues, he attacked the patriarchal society that took away what he calls “Islamic rights” of women: to marry whom she chooses, rights to property, rights to education etc.. He recalled some cases of young girls in the old city of Sana’s who complaint to him in these matters. He then adorned these points with many Quranic verses and saying (hadith) from the prophet of Islam. On a national level, he attacked the rich and the powerful for not taking care of the poor. He passionately recounted seeing a child eating from the wastebasket in Sana’a. At this point, he was on fire: attacking the wealthy for not sharing their bits and pieces, and the government for not addressing poverty, and finger-pointing to his wealthy neighbors in the Gulf for not sharing their prosperity. Ironically, Thursday was the wedding of the president’s daughter, and he alluded to the imperative of balancing between government extravagance and taking care of those who cannot support themselves.

On the international level, his attitude toward the War in Iraq is similar to the attitudes of most Democrats and many Republicans in the States. He argues against the “un-just war,” to quote his own words, and the needs to stop a war that is “taking many innocent lives of women and children”. In other areas, he characterized the continuation of wars in Iraq, Afghanistan and Palestine as a shameful mark on the foreheads of mankind.

Saturday, July 14, 2007

Professor Lo with an Imam (part 2) (by Taimoor)


Here's Professor Lo with another Imam, this one the Imam of Masjid As-Shuhada, a builiding which is, contrary to grammatical expectation, larger than Masjid al-Kabeer (the big Masjid), where Professor Lo and I went last week. This Masjid is two stories tall and far more grandely adorned than the simpler Masjid al-Kabeer. Golden crystal chandeliers that manage to encompase the size, shape, and majesty of pregnant manatees hover over worshippers, while Qur'anic excerpts are carved into the very substance of the walls. Even more striking than the appearance of the Masjid, was the oratory experience that it offered. To my surprise, and contrary to what I had been led to believe about the structure of Masjids in Sana'a, the Imam of the Masjid delivered the kutba, or the friday sermon, himself, rather than leaving that duty to a state appointed Kaatib. Also, though I lack a command of the Arabic language sufficient enough to understand what the Imam was talking about, I did notice that the kutba lasted almost twice as long as the one at Masjid al-Kabeer, and was delivered in a tone of spit flecked passion rather than with the bovine passivity of the state approved Kaatib. Also, I'm sure that I heard the hot button words "Palestine", "Israel", and "Iraq War", which I thought were pretty much taboo for Friday rumination. Either the Imam was directly breaking the law, in which case he is either protected somehow (maybe has family high up in the government), or will soon face whatever legal penalties are invoked against Imams who lead their own congregations. Whatever the reason, it was certainly the most interesting Friday prayers I've experienced so far in Yemen.

Friday, July 13, 2007

Andrew's Duke Engage Proposal (By Andrew)


Since arriving in Yemen I have been privileged to work with many people in the Democracy School. So far, I have marched with Yemeni youth to raise the budget expenditures for the schools and I have attended several lectures describing the political climate, freedom of the press, and human rights violations in Sana and surrounding areas. After watching many films produced by the Democracy School and brainstorming on the children sexual abuse proposal (for the Development Group in France) I now want to launch my own personal project. With the guidance and help of the Democracy School I believe this project can be a success and ultimately a vehicle to better change the current human rights violations in Sana, particularly child abuse.

The Event and Purpose:

After witnessing the tremendous number of children at the march I wish to create a similar environment by planning a one-day soccer tournament in a local sports club. This event, however, does not intend to gain government backing or support. The purpose of the event is to raise awareness of human rights violations and most importantly making Yemeni Youth aware of their rights. This will be accomplished by distributing pamphlets and brochures on how to report child abuse and what rights every child should have when dealing with their parents, neighbors, and society. It is important to remember that this event is for the children, not for adults. Most of the workshops I attended have discussed children’s rights by using Powerpoint slides and lengthy presentations, not one child has been present. This soccer tournament will put the information on child abuse directly into the hands of the child.

Details:

When:
• The tournament will last one day (morning to evening)
• The tournament will happen on July 26th
• The tournament must be advertised early in order to gain maximum support
• The boy’s tournament will run from morning to noon
• The girl’s tournament will run from noon to afternoon

Where:
• Soccer field at a local sports club in Sana
• Although held in Sana, youth from nearby cities are invited

Who:
• Targets Yemeni youth from the ages 12-14
• Targets youth with both formal and informal education
• Targets every economic and social class

How will the tournament be promoted?
• Signs posted in store windows and on gates/doors around Sana
• Pamphlets distributed to children in schools by teachers
• Pamphlets given to children in the street
• Article written in a popular Yemeni paper or the Democracy School’s paper

How will the tournament work?
• The teams will consist of 10 kids each
• There will be 100 kids in each tournament (100 boys, 100 girls)
• The teams will enter the tournament free of charge
• Teams must register ahead of time in order to ensure room
• Prizes, such as soccer jerseys, will be given out to the winning team
• Games last for a set amount of time or to a certain number of goals
• The Yemeni Junior National Team will attend the event and run a clinic for the children when they are not actively playing in a game

How will we gather money for the event?
• The event will be sponsored in part by the Democracy School
• Funding may possibly be collected from other NGO’s
• Only NGO’s, the children, directors of the event, and selected media will be allowed to enter (not a political rally like in front of parliament)

Why:
• Children must be informed of their rights
• Many children are not aware of their rights
• NGO’s will also distribute DVD’s, CD’s, and the identical brochure on children’s rights (produced by Democracy School)
• I chose soccer because it is a very popular sport that nearly every boy dreams of playing, does play, or wants to play in the future
• Soccer is also very informal and children will come to play on a nice field

Cost Benefit Analysis:
• Cost of renting the fields in the sports club for one day
• Buying soccer jerseys for the winning team
• Promotion of the event (flyers, brochures)
• Approximate budget= to not exceed $1,500


Sincerely,
Andrew Simon

(Proposal was approved by DukeEngage/ DISC). Event will take place on July 21, 2007)


Overview:
(The sign was developed by the Democracy School, with input by Duke faculty)

Thursday, July 12, 2007

Professor Lo and an Imam (Reply by Professor Lo )

You are right on the state’s attempt to monopolize public space by appointing Friday khutabaa (preachers). This is a common phenomenon across Muslim countries that are supporting the US war against terrorism. Unfortunately, or fortunately (?), due to the limited legitimacy of these oppressive regimes, this particular policy is not popular among the Yemenis. And in reality, the state cannot afford the associated cost of appointing Khutabaa in each mosque. Therefore, the policy, according Judge El-Hittar, is selective, and mostly exists in urban areas.

By the way, Taimoor, I tend to say “unfortunately” because the mosque, as you have noticed in Yemen, is the only public space that is outside the state’s control. So if democracy is dialectically related to state’s control of public space, we should oppose these anti-democratic moves.
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Friday Prayers in Yemen (By Taimoor)


Friday prayers in Yemen are a little different then in many other parts of the world. Traditionally, the Imam of a Masjid both leads the prayer and delivers the sermon, or the kutba. However, in Yemen, the Minister of Religious affairs typically appoints Katibs (people who deliver the kutba) for Masjids in Yemen. While the Imam leads the prayer, the state appointed Katib is granted a monopoly over the religious public space. This policy is an attempt to curtail the power of religion in the public sphere, a decision that can at once be argued to be either grossly repressive or prudent in light of the current political climate depending on the individual.

Wednesday, July 11, 2007

Terrorists Anonymous: Meeting with Judge al-Hittar, the mastermind behind Yemen's Mujahadeen rehabilation program (By Taimoor)





Since September 11, many countries in the Middle East have cracked down on terrorism and religious extremism, partly as a way of appeasing an increasingly critical international community, particularly the United States, and partly as a way of combating internal threats such as destabilization, violence, and, in some cases, the undermining of State hegemony in the public sphere. With the collapse of the Taliban led Afghan regime, expatriates training to be Mujahadeen in Yemen began to flood back into their countries of origin. For many Arab countries, these Mujahadeen, or “Afghan Arabs”, were and remain a security threat as well as somewhat of an international embarrassment, and the common policy is to simply imprison them indefinitely with no trial.

(Isabelle asking questions)

Yemen, which has the largest population of Afghan Arabs, has implemented an alternative strategy of rehabilitation that is, by most accounts, highly effective. The Duke Engage Team (Ella Lipin, Isabelle Figaro, Andrew Simon, Tyler Huffman, Professor Mbaye Lo, and I) were able to get an interview with Minister al-Hittar, the mastermind behind the Yemeni Mujahadeen rehabilitation program and the current Minister of Awkaaf (Endowments or Trusts). Minister al-Hittar was formerly a Judge and the Minister of Human Rights in Yemen. The Ministry of Awkaaf is one of the most powerful Ministries in Yemen and it has jurisdiction over all matters of religion as well as property rights. The question of what to do with homegrown terrorists is poignant in the current political climate, but particularly so in the aftermath of the recent Marib bombings that took place in Yemen and that was caused by an escaped convict and terrorist. This interview took place before the Marib bombings. Here on the Duke Engage Blog, I present for your reading pleasure the Duke Engage in Yemen (DEY? Am I allowed to say that Professors Lo, cooke, and/or Lawrence?) team’s interview with Minister of Awkaaf, Minister al-Hittar, translation into English courtesy of Professor Lo.



Minister al-Hittar : Welcome!

Duke Engage Team: (various assortments of thank yous, pleased to meet yous, and Asslamu-alaikums, followed by introductions. After the formalities the first questions begin.) Our professor told us about your Afghan Arab program. Talk about it. (this was asked in Arabic)

Minister al-Hittar:
The idea of dialogue with the people from Afghanistan and others who are radical in their beliefs. (pause for rumination) Dialogue is an integral part of the Qur’an( note: I will be spelling the Qur’an in this way rather than as “Quran” or “Koran” just in case Professor Lawrence reads this article and is tempted to retroactively flunk me from his class for my gross butchering of that word). It is the message you have in the Torah and the Bible. Dialogue is a part of human nature. The first step in the creation of human beings was dialogue.
The Qur’an addresses the idea of dialogue with people we don’t agree with. The Pharaoh called himself a god. He said that he was the creator of Mankind. And even then, God granted a dialogue with the Pharaoh. This is an example for us to talk with people, regardless of how bad they are. No matter how much we agree or disagree with them, we should not avoid talking with them.
It is under this principle, that we dialogue with the people from Afghanistan. In the tradition found in all religious scriptures, as transmitted by Muhammad, Jesus, Moses, Jonas, etc. Dialogue is a necessity.
There was a group of Yemeni kids that came back from Afghanistan, and they were arrested by security. They committed no crime, except where they came from. The Judge has supreme authority in this situation, and as I was a Judge at that time, (not what was actually said, just what I think was meant) I decided that we should let them go, or bring some case against them or else we would be oppressors. And those kids had their views and they didn’t want to change them.
If my friend Andrew (gently grabs hold of Andrews arm) wanted to attack someone, can I say that I am going to keep him by me and not let him go? Or should I just talk to him and convince him not to do what he wanted to do?
If I were to hold him back, he might try to fight back. But if I have a rational argument with him, he might change his mind. That is why I saw dialogue as the best way to make people change their views and their manners in a very self motivated way.
The problems of cultures and ideas can only be addressed through dialogue. If you have an idea, Isabelle, you have to implement it. If I use force to prevent you, maybe you will feel antagonized and pursue what you wanted to do.
But if I try to convince you of the logic of my argument, you might change your mind. We may agree and disagree, but dialogue is the best way to reach a compromise. It is a necessity amongst human beings. I believe that through dialogue we can change their minds and their convictions. The pen and the tongue are the most powerful tools. Tools that can change anything.

(Judge al-Hittar Minister of Religious Affairs and Endowments)

I am glad that, through dialogue, we were able to make a lot of change. To successfully find jobs for them (the Arab Afghans). And let them live peacefully in society. The only condition was that they had to give up violence.
We help them get jobs, because a job puts a person in a situation where he has options. When you are living a violent life, you have two options: either you are a killer or you are dead. By giving them jobs, we offer them the ability to reject both options. When they decide to not be either, they can choose a third option, to be peaceful in society.
In addition to jobs, we attempt to address specific ideological issues. Because it (terrorism) is not only offensive to Muslims, it is offensive to Islam. This is because it gives a wrong picture of Islam. Islam is a religion of Freedom, Justice, Equality, Mercy, Peace. These people when they come back from Afghanistan, didn’t have this understanding. As the Judge, I said that we had to address the root cause of this disease.
The third part of our program was the relationship between the police and these kids. We asked the police to not follow them (the kids) illegally. They have to give them their rights. And we of course had to ask the kids to stop any terrorist acts.
I believed that this would help Yemen pacify itself: no civil wars, no strife. Since December, 2002, Yemen has no witnessed any terrorist attacks, even though everyone in the world thought that Yemen would be the next Afghanistan, the most traumatic country. And I have to say proudly, that if we ignore two events that took place in the last two years, we can say that no terrorist act took place in Yemen at all. (This was of course, prior to the recent Marib bombings, so I suppose that we must assume that three events did not take place to say that no terrorist act has ever taken place in Yemen.)
Another benefit of this policy is that we were able to release hundred of people who were arrested with no legal case against them. Because if they commited a crime, it is a civil issue, but if they did not commit a crime, we let them go. This was at a national level in Yemen.
On an international level, this dialogue became the cutting edge of debate and showed people that Yemen is a civil country. Many people came to Yemen to learn about dialogue. If you look at the Internet now, you will see that this issue is covered in 800 pages!
Yemen used a non-military option which was more effective than a military option in this situation. We have shown the World that dialogue is the right way to handle these kinds of situations.

Duke Engage Team:
How do these conversations work? (This question was asked in Arabic)

Minister al-Hittar:
Dialogue is an art and a science. You have to diagnose the ideological diseases first. You have to determine your goals, as well as your points of reference. You must define your objectives, as well as create a time frame in which you will work.
You must also give the other people an idea of what you are planning to do, and give them absolute freedom to express their views and feelings. You must follow a scientific methodology when running these kinds of programs.
We need to sit with them as equals, as I am right now sitting with you. We must give them the choice to say what they want to say. After this framework, we divided them up into groups of six or less.

Duke Engage Team:
How did you divide them up? (This question was asked in English)

Minister al-Hittar:
We divided them according to level. Some are more intellectually challenged and some are more radical. We start with the more radical and then we go from there.

Duke Engage Team:
What happens when the program fails? (This question was asked in English)

Minister al-Hittar:
Psychologists say that it is possible for every individual to respond to you positively. If he doesn’t react well to you, it doesn’t necessarily mean that he disagrees with your message or that he will continue to do so in the future. Maybe you were not successful in conveying your message, such as when you ask Isabelle to post on Blackboard. (The later half of this sentence was courtesy of Professor Lo) We believe, therefore, that everyone is conducive to change.
And if he does not respond, we assume that there may have been something wrong with our strategy.
Our response from our dialogue with people from Al-Qaeda has been about 90% positive.
The more radical people have strong viewpoints and a strong belief in God. We know from an ideological viewpoint that some of their beliefs are wrong, and then we know that our priorities should be how to correct this issue. (We are told that we only have five minutes left)


Professor Lo:
Why are students, and in particular women, not allowed to visit Masjids (Mosques) here?

Judge al-Hittar:
Nothing should prevent students from visiting Masjids here. After all, we hope that one day you will all become Muslims. (nervous laughter from the room. Isabelle says Inshallah) We would be glad to allow women in Masjids. Maybe if people visit Masjids, they will have a positive view of Muslims. But if you happen to become Muslims, don’t be radical. Be Moderate. (more laughter)

Professor Lo:
What is the role of the Ministry of Endowments?

Judge al-Hittar:
We deal with Public and Private issues with equal footing for all citizens. This ministry represents the largest part of non-profit organizations in Yemen. What we mean by Endowments (Awkaaf) in Islam, are the endowments and rights of humans and animals. The idea is that humans and animals have rights. We also have to take care of those who can’t take care of themselves, such as the elderly.
The need of human beings in Yemen has some space in our work. This is what is meant by Awkaaf or Endowments. Our responsibility is to teach people their religious responsibilities.

Wednesday, July 4, 2007

Shibam (By Ella)


The tall clay buildings (fondly referred to as the world’s first skyscrapers by our guides) densely packed within the city walls are so drastic in the landscape of the Hawdramout that the city of Shibam is now known by its nickname “the Manhattan of the desert.” Shibam dates back to the 16th century and the whole city is a UNESCO World Heritage Site. As we climbed the mountain opposite Shibam, we were able to see just how densely packed it is and just how good the urban planning was